Rehan Mazid
Founder & Advocate
Hi there! I'm Rehan Mazid, a 16-year-old advocate and the founder of the Civic Clarity Foundation. My work revolves around policy analysis. I'm also involved in civic education and organizing youth to connect them with elected officials through the Civic Clarity Foundation.My start in organizing came when I convened the landmark "Youth Mental Health & The Role of Good Governance" panel. This rare cross-partisan initiative brought together sitting Members of Parliament (MPs) and Provincial Parliament (MPPs) from the Liberal, Conservative, and Green parties to find common ground. Following this success, the Civic Clarity Foundation released its official After-Report and Blueprint for Action, a framework distributed to Canadian Senators, MPs, and the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health (HESA).My policy work has attracted attention in Ottawa; notably, I was encouraged by the Chair of the Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science, and Technology, Senator Moodie, to submit a policy brief regarding the Chair’s bill for a National Strategy for Children and Youth.I've also appeared on CBC-KW’s The Morning Edition and joined 570 News Radio’s The Mike Farwell Show to discuss the Foundation’s work and their brief on the national strategy.Currently, I continue to lead my efforts through the Civic Clarity Foundation to prove that effective policy dialogue is the first step in working towards a better Canada.
Award Nomination
Award Nomination from Kitchener Regional Councilor Colleen James
Certificate of Recognition
Certificate of Recognition from MP Matt. Strauss on August 29th, 2025.
Commitments
Civic Clarity Foundation | Executive Director | April 2025 - Present
Ontario Young Liberal | General Member | Feb 2025 - Present
MP Kelly Deridder's Youth Council | Member | July 2026 - Present
Canadian Youth Climate Action Team | Director of Policy & Advocacy | Jan 2026 - May 2026
Senator Marilou Mcphedran's Youth Council | Member | Sept 2024 - July 2026
City of Cambridge Youth Council | Member | Nov 2024 - June 2026
Region of Waterloo Youth Council | Member | Oct 2024 - Jan 2026
Opinion - It’s Time for Ontario to Build Big Again.
July 8, 2026
It’s 1964, the year that marked the end of segregation in the United States, the introduction of the pension plan in Canada, and, most importantly for our topic, the first high-speed rail system in Japan began its operations. High-speed rail, or HSR, has been a prominent topic in Canadian politics since the tenure of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Yet, it was only under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau that ALTO was officially announced and high-speed rail began being considered an actual possibility for Canadians. ALTO is a federal crown corporation that’s a wholly owned subsidiary of VIA Rail. Being a wholly owned subsidiary means that ALTO is 100% owned by VIA Rail. As part of that ownership, ALTO was known previously as VIA HFR—VIA TGF.A poll conducted by Probe Research revealed that out of 1,300 Canadians surveyed, 61% of respondents supported the project. Among the G7, Canada remains the only nation without an operational high-speed rail system. Considering Canada’s density in the Quebec City-Windsor Corridor, which hosts nearly half of the country’s population, it’s an apt critique to label the absence as a policy failure. Yet, while polls point to Canadians being receptive, partisans remain in contempt of the project. The leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, Pierre Poilievre, railed against the project, one he previously supported. Poilievre cited fiscal irresponsibility and insisted that Canadians would not live to board those trains. In Quebec, a province where four stops are projected to be designated, the Parti Quebecois are running on a platform that vows to withdraw Quebec from ALTO. According to polls from Leger, Pallas, and Synopsis, the PQ are projected to win a minority government in the Quebec National Assembly. Therefore, the likelihood of ALTO being shut down as a project before construction begins is a real possibility. The wide reach and inter-jurisdictional factors at play make the federal ALTO project difficult to hash out among varying parties and interest groups.Amidst the partisan and jurisdictional bickering, it makes sense for Ontario, as a province, to consider a high-speed rail alternative. One that utilizes the Ottawa-Windsor corridor. Under the current provincial government, taxpayer dollars are being frivolously spent constructing a $30 million spa, expanding Billy Bishop, and planning to purchase a Ferris wheel in Niagara, as well as procuring the infamous Bombardier jet. It seems as if our politicians are failing to deliver on the social contract and have fundamentally exhausted their ideas. That is why it was refreshing to listen to Eric Lombardi speak about his plans for a high-speed rail alternative for Southern Ontario. Eric, on his website, contrasts the expenditure for the rail network with the 401 tunnel. The tunnel would cost approximately $100 billion, and the high-speed rail network would cost $97 billion. The benefits of this Southern Ontario high-speed rail system are connecting the major economic centres of Southern Ontario, reducing pressure across the highway network; expanding the greater Golden Horseshoe catchment; supporting labour; extending connectivity, serving rural regions; and allowing for greater inter-city economic development. When contrasted with the tunnelling under the 401, none of those would be accomplished. The network would have two lines, one being the Southern Ontario HSR, which stretches from Oshawa to Windsor, and the Greater Golden Horseshoe HSR, extending from Barrie to Niagara Falls. In Eric’s model, the federal ALTO line is included as well. Meaning, the farthest the line extends northward is toward Oshawa. Kitchener-Waterloo and Hamilton, respectively, have a greater population than Trois-Rivières and Laval combined, two of the designated ALTO stations. Therefore, it only makes sense for greater connectivity amongst the two regions through a Southern Ontario High-Speed Rail system to boost our economy, create jobs, and save people the one resource they can’t get back: time.To clarify, this isn’t an endorsement of any candidate from my side. The question is for you, fellow Canadians and Ontarians: What do we invest in and care about?
Policy Brief - The Case for Proportional Representation
May 26, 2026
Twentieth-century American philosopher Robert Hutchins once stated, “The death of democracy is not likely to be an assassination from ambush. It will be a slow extinction from apathy, indifference, and undernourishment.” To much disappointment, political apathy has become the norm over decades. This isn’t the fault of the electorate, but rather a failure of the current electoral system. Which leads to the question: Is first-past-the-post the most representative option for Ontario and Canada at large?A. Background: First-Past-the-Post and Proportional Representation
First, it's necessary to explain what our current electoral system is. At every level of government in Canada, we use first-past-the-post (FPTP). Federally, Canada is divided into 343 ridings that each elect one member of parliament. In each riding, the candidate with the majority of votes, no matter how slim, becomes the representative for that electoral district. The other votes essentially count for nothing, and this mechanism is exactly what allows for a single party to form a majority government while not having a majority of the vote share.On the other hand, proportional representation (PR) is a framework that ensures the composition of parliament reflects the overall vote share each political party receives. If a party gets 50% of the vote, that should be exactly reflected in the legislature.It's important to mention that there are various types of proportional representation. To start, mixed member proportional (MMP) is a system in which voters get two votes. One vote to decide on a representative for their riding, while the other is for a political party. The official elected as a local representative is chosen through first-past-the-post. MMP was the electoral system decided on by the Citizen's Assembly of Electoral Reform in Ontario. The other prominent variation is single transferrable vote (STV), essentially the same as the ranked ballot system used in the nomination and leadership contests held within political parties. STV allows for voters to rank their choices in order, from one, two, and three. STV was decided on as the most preferable electoral system by the Citizen's Assembly on Electoral Reform in British Columbia.Additionally, there are multiple formulas used to calculate seats in democracies that have proportional representation. These include the Sainte-Luge method, the D'Hondt method, and the Hare quota. For the purposes of this brief, the hare quota is our formula of choice. The formula for the Hare quota follows: total votes divided by total seats. Whereas, total votes equal the total number of unspoiled ballots cast in an election, divided by the total number of seats in the legislature.B. The Result: Voter Apathy & Manufactured Majorities
The issue of electoral reform is intimately tied with voter turnout. Statistics from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance show that voter turnout in OECD countries is highest amongst Sweden, Denmark, New Zealand, Iceland, the Netherlands, Norway, and Germany. Alongside being part of the highest-income countries with developed democracies, these nations all have proportional representation as their chosen electoral system. Effective electoral systems prevent disenfranchisement for voters, as a study by the Pew Research Center finds 75% of Swedes being content with their democratic system.The 2025 Ontario general election displays the disenfranchisement of voters, with a mere 45.4% of the electorate going to the polls. In total, 5,023,587 ballots were cast: 2,159,060 for the Progressive Conservatives, 1,505,093 with the Ontario Liberals, 931,016 went with the Ontario New Democrats, and 242,320 chose the Green Party of Ontario. Within our current system, that gave the PC’s 80 seats, the OLP 14, the ONDP 27, and the GPO 2. Meaning, without a majority of votes, the PCs nearly won a super-majority in the Legislature. However, if those same results are used within a simple proportional representation system with a 4% threshold, as recommended by FairVote Canada, the outcomes are drastically different. The PCs would have 55 seats coming in with a minority government; the OLP would leave with 38, becoming the official opposition; the ONDP would have 24 seats as the third party; and the GPO would have 6 seats, tripling their caucus. Using this framework, voters can have their voices heard and have a legislature that’s collaborative, grounded, and open to compromise.C. The Solution: Legislative Mechanism
A common critique attributed to proportional representation is the link that gets removed between an elected official and their electoral district. But, mixed-member proportional representation solves these qualms. Thus, the Civic Clarity Foundation is a proponent of mixed member proportional representation to represent local interests while implementing proportional representation. The 2016 federal Special Committee on Electoral Reform report stands as another champion of MMP.Federally, the piece of legislation that guarantees elections are held under the first-past-the-post system is the Canada Elections Act. The entirety of the Canada Elections Act in its current state caters to the first-past-the-post system. Thus, to successfully achieve proportional representation, we urge the House of Commons to introduce amending legislation that replaces the relevant provisions in the Canada Elections Act S.C. 2000.Provincially, the Ontario Election Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. E.6., governs provincial elections. As previously mentioned, we urge the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to introduce amending legislation that replaces relevant provisions in the act to successfully achieve proportional representation.Following international best practices while keeping our Westminster system in mind, the example of New Zealand’s 1993 Electoral Act serves as an effective example for implementing proportional representation with mixed member representation. It’s important to note that the act followed a binding referendum on electoral reform.D. Conclusion
The Civic Clarity Foundation believes that the best practice of mixed-member proportional representation as used in the highest-ranking democracies in the world is a key solution in working towards ending voter apathy, heightening voter turnout, and creating a true-to-life legislature.
Speaking Event
Democracy In Action WR - Launch Event
September 17, 2025
In an address to Democracy in Action, I spoke about the threat of hyper-partisanship. I emphasized the formation of parties and partisanship as a natural and healthy part of our parliamentary democracy. However, much of the current polarization in the political climate However, the growth of hyper-partisanship largely sums up the current polarization in the political climate. up by the growth of hyper-partisanship. My point is simple, political parties are meant to serve people, not the other way around.I spoke about how the Civic Clarity Foundation was purposefully built to contain a multitude of diverse voices and perspectives to successfully create evidence-based policy work. I highlighted the foundation's work in action, including the release of our policy briefs, policy-based events, and op-eds.
Youth Mental Health & The Role of Good Governance
Moderating the Civic Clarity Foundation Panel
August 29, 2025
In response to the escalating youth mental health crisis across Ontario and Canada, the Civic Clarity Foundation convened the landmark "Youth Mental Health & The Role of Good Governance" panel on August 29th, 2025. This panel generated a cross-jurisdictional and cross-partisan consensus on one of the most critical issues of our time.The event successfully brought together sitting legislators from the House of Commons, the Ontario Legislature, and Waterloo Regional Council, representing the Conservative, Liberal, and Ontario Green parties. The explicit goal was to find policy-based solutions through common consenus.The panel's discussion yielded a rare and powerful consensus, crystallizing around three foundational pillars for effective governance:1. A Mandate for Genuine Accountability: A unanimous agreement that the "status quo" of consultation is a failure. The new standard must be a proactive, data-driven, and youth-led oversight process, empowering the voices of those most affected by the policies being enacted.2. A Shift from "Mental Healthcare" to "Mental Health": Panelists from all parties concurred that treating mental health solely through a clinical, crisis-response lens is a strategic dead end. They identified the root drivers of the crisis as systemic issues, including the housing crisis, food insecurity, poverty, and a lack of community connection.3. The Imperative of Community-Driven Solutions: The discussion firmly rejected top-down, centralized government programs as the primary solution. Instead, a consensus emerged around a new model where the role of government is to fund and empower the proven, grassroots, and often youth-led initiatives already developing solutions from the ground up.The outcome of this panel is not merely a summary; it is a Blueprint for Action. It serves as a powerful proof-of-concept for the Civic Clarity Foundation's core thesis: it is possible to build consensus on complex issues by prioritizing evidence, clarity, and collaborative, good-faith dialogue. The Foundation's detailed After-Report on this event is being used to brief policymakers at all levels of government on this new, actionable framework.